A–Z index
Part 15. The 2014 Census and the Exclusion of Rohingya Identity
Part 15. The 2014 Census and the Exclusion of Rohingya IdentityIntroductionMyanmar’s 2014 Population and Housing Census was presented as an opportunity to build a reliable foundat…
Part 17. The 2015 Election, Rohingya Political Exclusion and the Beginnings of Armed Mobilisation in Arakan
2015-election-rohingya-political-exclusion-armed-mobilisation-arakan
Part 17. The 2015 Election, Rohingya Political Exclusion and the Beginnings of Armed Mobilisation in Arakan Chapter 1. The Withdrawal of Voting Rights bef
Examines how the invalidation of white cards, constitutional rulings and election-law amendments excluded hundreds of thousands of Rohingya from Myanmar’s 2015 election. Documents Rohingya objections, community experiences and international warnings.
Part 18: The October 2016 Military Operations and the Escalation of Rohingya Persecution in Northern Arakan
IntroductionThe events of October 2016 marked a decisive escalation in the persecution of the Rohingya population of northern Arakan. Following attacks on Myanmar border-security …
Part 19. The Rohingya Genocide of 2017
Introduction: The Destruction of Rohingya Communities in ArakanThe Rohingya genocide of 2017 marked a devastating chapter in the history of Arakan. Beginning on 25 August 2017, My…
Political Liberalization, Rakhine Nationalism and the Growth of Organized Anti-Rohingya Mobilization, 2011–Early 2012
Myanmar's political opening beginning in 2011 expanded political organization, media activity and ethnic nationalist mobilization in Arakan. During this period, anti-Rohingya narratives portraying the community as foreign “Bengalis,” a demographic threat and a danger to the Rakhine homeland increasingly entered public politics, publications and community networks. This article examines the transition from institutional exclusion toward organized social and political mobilization immediately before the 2012 violence.
Political Mobilization and the Institutionalization of Separation, June–September 2012
Following the June 2012 violence, the displacement of Rohingya increasingly developed into an institutionalized system of separation. President Thein Sein proposed placing Rohingya under UNHCR administration or resettling them abroad, while Rakhine nationalist politicians, organizations and some Buddhist monastic networks promoted physical, social and economic separation. Movement restrictions, opposition to Rohingya return, humanitarian dependency and the confinement of Muslim communities such as Aung Mingalar increasingly excluded Rohingya from ordinary urban and economic life. By September 2012, measures initially presented as responses to communal violence were developing into a more durable system of segregation.
Propaganda, Sermons and the 969 Symbol
This chapter examines how the 969 movement spread anti-Muslim nationalism through religious sermons, Buddhist symbolism, stickers, pamphlets, recorded speeches, DVDs and social media. It documents how narratives portraying Muslims as a demographic, religious and cultural threat were repeatedly circulated, and how these narratives reinforced existing hostility toward the Rohingya by connecting their persecution in Arakan with a broader nationwide discourse of Muslim expansion and Buddhist self-protection.